It’s been described as the dullest election since the foundation of the State, and not without justification. In truth, the differences between the major parties are not sufficiently radical to arouse grand passions in anyone. The primary focus has been on the economy, and while it may have the potential to affect the quality of life here greatly over the next five years and into the future, the fact is that arguments about the finer points of fiscal management leave the majority of people comatose.

There is a danger that, as a result of sheer boredom, people may not vote. Apathy is an increasing problem, not just in Ireland but throughout Europe. And the likelihood of it prevailing is heightened if, or when, there is a feeling that it makes no difference which party – or combination of parties – is in government. This is the way a lot of voters see it right now. But I don’t accept that it is true.

Leaving aside the influence of independents – the majority of whom are likely to aggrandise in whatever way suits their interests on the day – depending on the electoral arithmetic, a number of possible permutations may yet emerge when it comes to putting a government together.

Bearing that in mind, the key questions for every voter to ask himself, or herself, are as follows. Do I want to see:

• an overall majority for Fianna Fail;

• a continuation of the Fianna Fail coalition with the Progressive Democrats;

• a Fine Gael coalition with Labour;

• Labour to hold the balance of power in one coalition or another;

• a stronger representation for the Left in general in the Dail;

• a stronger representation for women in general;

• Sinn Fein to do well?

My own answers would be as follows: No, no, maybe, probably; yes; yes; and, in relation to Sinn Fein, it’s an interesting one, but no thanks, until they desist from vigilantism, punishment shootings and other related skullduggery (both North and South).

In relation to the other questions, here’s the way I see it.

While the differences between the present coalition and the alternatives may not seem to be dramatic, there is the potential for major fall-out over the next few years from a continuation of the Fianna Fail liaison with the PDs. This is especially so in relation to the issue of the sale of State assets. If you have reservations about the way in which the Eircom flotation was handled, then that alone should give pause for thought. The ESB, Aer Lingus, Coillte and – almost certainly – bits of RTE will go the way of Eircom over the next few years, if the PDs are in government. Indeed, if Fianna Fail are allowed to go it alone, the likelihood is that they will pursue a policy which is very close to that currently being touted by the PDs in relation to State asset-stripping.

I also believe that the differences between the parties in relation to the issue of immigration are potentially important. The PDs see immigration solely in terms of its potential as an economic influence, providing cheap labour and the answer to any critical skills shortages in the workforce. Others see it differently. I am not suggesting that anyone has advanced a coherent strategy on the issue yet, but I do believe that there is more likely to be a moral and a humanitarian dimension to the policy on immigration of any government of which Labour forms a part.

These are just examples of two areas of public policy over which, in government, Labour could wield a vital, and positive, influence. Which is why my instinct is that it would be hugely preferable, if they, rather than either the PDs or a rag-bag of independents, were to hold the balance of power.

There is another significant issue. The calibre of those individuals who are elected to the Dail is important. Fine, the likes of Jackie Healy Rea give us something to laugh about, and in that sense could be said to be good for the gaiety of the nation, but it is the presence of public representatives of the ability and commitment of Liz McManus, Eamon Gilmore, Pat Rabbitte and the irrepressible Michael D.Higgins – to name just four – which gives the legislature what value it has.

This consideration poses a different question in every constituency. People like Claire Daly, Joe Higgins and Kathleen O’Meara are intelligent, capable and committed, and worthy of support. But equally, if there is a choice between two Fianna Fail candidates like Martin Mansergh and Noel Davern in South Tipperary, well, the beauty of the system of proportional representation is that you can potentially have a say in the way that kind of confrontation pans out. One Fianna Fail-er is going to get in, so my call would be to give Mansergh, a man of real intelligence and depth, a preference that might help him to win that race.

The point about proportional representation is that it is the most fun of any electoral system – and that is the spirit in which to approach it. Think about how you want to use your vote. Think about the way in which transfers are likely to flow. Make every preference count. And remember – there’s space at the bottom of the ballot sheet for any fascist, dingbat or PD that you really want to lose out.

Have a good election.